To everyone who has waited patiently for this piece, I say a big thank you to you all.
I wish to tender my heartfelt apologies for delayed posting of this article. I had a network breakdown while trying to get it posted.
I hope to be forgiven.
This Article is mainly to encourage people of all races and ethnicities, that writing a book or an article does not have to bent on tarnishing the image of a person or a group of persons. It must not target to ruin to reputation of any individual that had agree to disagree with you.
A lot of people has had a psychological breakdowns from either divorce or separations, bereavements or lost of beloved ones, etc. The question is "does it really worth expressing in a book or an Article?"
I strongly beleive that the chase would be worth it when it installs happiness in the life of the chaser, rather than just money. So, chase 'Happiness' not 'Money'.
I hope you all enjoys reading my Research Study (RS). Your comments would be highly appreciated.
Best Wishes
Grace Theophilus.
Gracious_Grace.
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I would like to express my special thanks of gratitude to my supervisor, Rachel
Searcey who has always given me invaluable support from the beginning of this
study on the topic: Community
Development Approach: Integration of Refugees in the United Kingdom to its completion. Thank you for being
patient in guiding me in the right direction for this study. I am grateful to
Nigel Down, my Personal Guidance (PG), who ensures that I am not missing out on
anything on my research, keeps me up to date with my performance, appraises my
efforts, and informs me on how well am doing in my research works and what to
improve upon. I also thank Emma Broadhurst – ‘Machine’! who is the Senior
Guidance. Thank you for being very supportive and helping me in all areas
pertaining to my Research Studies (RS) so that I can achieve my research aim. I
am truly grateful to you all.
Now to my family and friends who have supported me in various ways, I
thank you indeed.
Table
of Contents
1.1.3 Community Development
Approach
2.0 Refugees as a Consequence of War/Conflict
2.1 Complexities with Refugee Resettlement
2.4 The UK Refugee Resettlement Policy
2.5 Refugee Resettlement Schemes
3.0 The Case for Community Development Approach to the
Integration of Refugees
3.1 Implications for Practice and Policy
Central
to the resettlement of refugees is integration. It is an enduring process that
is multidimensional. Following the arrival of refugees into the UK, they are
faced with numerous issues such as culture and language barriers,
discrimination, and identity crisis among health, housing, and employment
concerns. In response to this, the UK Government working in collaboration with
the UNHCR, act to mitigate these humanitarian needs through its refugee
resettlement schemes. However, there is evidence that there is room for
improvement, especially for the community sponsorship scheme. This study aims
to highlight the benefits of the community development approach to refugee
integration in the United Kingdom as an alternative to the government-sponsored
scheme and a blueprint for the improvement of the community sponsorship scheme.
This is achieved by reviewing relevant research papers, policy documents, and
other grey literature. The study concludes with the recommendation of a shift
from a rigid prescriptive approach to refugees refugee integration to a more
flexible and holistic approach that allows for community connection to be
central to the integration process. Further research is also suggested.
Chapter
One
With the impact of war,
conflicts, and political unrest in some parts of the world, the displacement of
a significant number of people seeking asylum and refuge has become one of the
most prominent issues in recent times. Of 193 members of the United Nations,
147 member states signed the convention on refugees, pledging to provide asylum
to people who are stateless due to conflict or persecution (UNHCR, 2022).
However, only 20 member states have followed through on their commitment to
offering permanent resettlement (Beiser, 2009) and it is estimated that less
than 1% of the 17.2 million refugees were resettled by the end of 2016 (UNHCR,
2016). Although the UK offers refuge to individuals including women and
children deemed most vulnerable (Home Office, 2015), referred to the Home
Office by the UNHCR, this describes the global reality of refugees. The plight
of these people who come from different countries and cultures has been
broadcasted with many drowning in the Mediterranean Sea in their effort to cross
over to Europe, while others face various ill-treatments such as forced labour,
sex trafficking, and violence via other means to Europe. Such diverse
experiences underline the fact that refugees are not a homogeneous population,
as one may be tempted to think, facilitated by the term, ‘refugees. The
characteristics that make this group significant lie in the difficult
situations, experiences, and treatments that forced them to flee from their
homes/countries; such that have placed them at a greater risk of
facing/developing various health and social problems. Coming into the host
country, they are faced with poverty, the need to be dependent, and a lack of
integration and cohesive social support (Chantler, 2012.). All of which
undermines not only their physical health but also, their mental health.
Considering this level of vulnerability,
it would be expected that asylum seekers would receive needed support when they
reach the host countries as would the general population, but data suggests
otherwise: they are less likely to assess support compared to the general
population (Bakker, Cheung, and Phillimore, 2016). With regards to their
physical health, literature shows that refugees and asylum seekers have added
physical health needs compared to the host population (Schouler-Ocak et al.,
2016; Schouler-Ocak et al., 2019). Earlier sources suggest that they face
challenges whilst seeking to access health care in their host countries
(Burnett and Peel, 2001; Tribe, 2002; Laban et al., 2004; Papadopoulos et al.,
2004; Carlsson, Mortensen and Kastrup, 2005), which can be serious enough to
hinder their livelihood. There is also the issue with communication, culturally
insensitive primary care, and less than desirable health professional-patient
relationships (Cheng, Drillich, and Schattner, 2015). In addition, they may
face discrimination within the host community, which can result to
health/social inequalities, having a serious impact on their quality of life
and access to opportunities in terms of education, personal development, and
work (Strang and Quinn, 2021).
Overall, what is generally agreed is that this
group shares unequal distribution of both ill health and the social
determinants of health and well-being which includes social isolation,
self-efficacy, poverty to mention a few. These wider determinants and
ill-health have been found to have reciprocal relationships (Schwartz and
Litwin, 2019; Palmer et al., 2019). This is crucial as it might be an
indication that the reduction of health inequalities, may not be an issue of
only providing more or better health care but also a matter of planning and
implementing a community development approach that enables the people to draw
on available resources including social capital to thrive (Pawar, 2019; Alraie
et al., 2020). The community development approach fosters the pathway towards
integration which in turn offer refugees and asylum seekers the opportunities
to be empowered to rebuild their lives; but then, the interventions must
account for the unique needs and challenges they inherited from their countries
as well as difficulties they face on their arrival on new shores (James, 2021).
This study aims to highlight the
benefits of the community development approach to refugee integration in the
United Kingdom. This is achieved by reviewing relevant research papers, policy
documents, and other grey literature. It suggests that the community
development approach may be a way forward in fulfilling the legal
obligations of states to protect those facing grievous threats to their life or
freedom in their countries (UNHCR, 2022). It draws on the Conservation of
Resources Theory COR by Hobfoll (1989) which offers a comprehensive framework
for understanding the nature of psychological stress and its probable
consequences by focusing on the resources of both individuals and communities.
The discussion then moves to themes and issues associated with refugee
resettlement and integration which include refugee resettlement policy,
discrimination, othering, and racism within the context of identity and recent
research that have implications for not just the integration and resettlement
of refugees, but also for practice. Commencing on approaches to refugee
integration it reviews the current UK resettlement schemes that have been
implemented, highlighting the contentious and complex nature of refugee
resettlement. Finally, the paper argues that, although the community
development approach is aimed to bring about community development and healthy
resource exchange, it must account for the potential tension that may result
between the host community and the refugees as well as the impact of this on
the duties of health and social care professionals. The need to clearly solicit
for the support of host communities is also highlighted. It concludes by
suggesting that a move away from an approach focused on the provision of formal
support and services only, but towards one which considers and understands both
the needs and capabilities/resources of refugees may be a way forward in the
successful integration of refugees in the United Kingdom.
Before proceeding to subsequent sections/chapters,
it is imperative that the terms that are central to this dissertation are
defined:
1.1.0 Refugee: “someone
who is unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin owing to a
well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality,
membership of a particular social group, or political opinion” (UNHCR, 1951, p.
3). This covers immigrants (asylum seekers) who are in any stage of the asylum
process (Burnett and Peel, 2001).
1.1.1 Integration: a
multidimensional process whereby the identity of newcomers and the host
community are renegotiated through active engagement with diversity and the
cultivation of a sense of belonging by all stakeholders (Phillimore, 2012).
1.1.2 Community Development: the process and action that identifies assets
that have the potential to help people not only to realise their personal
interests, but also, to develop the leadership to mobilise community members,
whilst building the capacity to address future needs (Green and Haines, 2015).
1.1.3 Community Development Approach: an approach to refugee integration that seeks
to empower refugees to rebuild their lives through partnerships between the
refugees, the receiving community, and all stakeholders (UNHCR, 2001)
Chapter
Two
2.0 Refugees as a Consequence
of War/Conflict
All through history, the topic of war has been a
significant cause for concern in all spheres of life globally. Several
repercussions of all wars fought, including the two world wars, the holocaust,
nuclear, chemical, and biological wars, as well as political, tribal unrest
within different countries, have been written about abundantly in literature.
One of which is the forced displacement of people who flee for refuge to other
countries. Currently, the news is populated with the war between Ukraine and
Russia, following Russia’s premeditated plan to invade Ukraine. This has been
explained to be an escalation of the 2014 Russo-Ukrainian conflict, and the
largest military invasion in the continent of Europe since the Second World War
(Herb et al., 2022; Karmanau et al., 2022; Tsvetkova et al., 2022). According
to estimates from the UNHCR (2022), the attack on Ukraine by Russia has led to
the humanitarian and refugee crisis of great proportion within Europe. It has
been estimated that over 2 and half-million refugees have fled Ukraine in less
than a month, with many more, in movement inside and outside of the countries.
This magnitude of forced displacement has been compared to the Yugoslav Wars
from 1999 to 2001 (British Future, 2022; The Soufan Center, 2022), and is
estimated to be the fastest growth of refugees since the Second World War
(Peter, 2022). Most of the refugees are women, children, people with
disabilities, and the elderly (Michaels, 2022; Patrick, 2022; ABC News, 2022),
painting the picture of the diverse need of the refugees.
Whilst it is important to discuss and
understand the theories that explain the causes of wars and conflicts, as well
as how to prevent them, a more urgent focus is to understand the far-reaching impact
of war and the best approaches to respond to refugees, who constitute one of
the major consequences of war. To illustrate, the refugees from Ukraine need
safety, protection, and help as do all refugees from other war-torn nations. In
light of the urgent humanitarian needs of refugees, there are and have been
inter-agency responses being carried out in regions to support the efforts of
host countries to support refugees (UNHCR, 2022). The UK has shown support for
Ukraine through open condemnation of Russia’s inhumane act of invasion, joining
in on sanctions, and providing intelligence in order to help Ukraine favourably
fight the war with Russia (Home Office, 2022). But there have been concerns
regarding the response of the UK government to the refugees from Ukraine
seeking safety and protection in the country. A key theme being discussed in
the media is the hostile and limiting policies that demand refugees to be
sponsored by a family member in the UK, which invariably means that those who
do not have relations in the UK are denied access/entrance. For instance, in
his article on the reality of the hostile environment Britain has created for
refugees from Ukraine, Simon Jenkins highlighted the ridiculous impact of the
policies that restrict refugees from entering the UK soil shown by the
statistics that paint a picture of only 50 people being granted entrance of the
5,535 refugees who completed their application online (the figure as of 7
March) (Jenkins, 2022). Compared to other European countries who have opened
their borders to the over 2.5 million fleeing Ukrainian refugees, there is no
hiding from the fact that the UK has avoided keeping with the agreement signed
at the UN convention on refugees in 1951 warranted by the grave consequences of
the world wars.
Drawing from literature (e.g., Rabben 2011; Shaw
2015), the UK took the position of humanitarian refuge and sanctuary,
especially in relation to their role regarding their persuasive advocacy and
policy provision with regards to better treatment of people experiencing
conflict and war. However, some studies suggest that the UK have not
effectively lived up to their claim of being a haven for people facing
persecution or fleeing from war-torn countries. In their article: Review of
Humanitarian Refuge in the United Kingdom: Sanctuary, Asylum, and the Refugee
Crisis, Ibrahim and Howarth (2018) contended that the UK whilst projecting
a humanitarian tradition, have only romanticized the idea which in reality the
protection and hospitality of refugees have been relegated to other often
poorer countries, as suggested in older studies by Gibney (2004);
and McAdam (2008), or contracted to other parties such as
Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). This contradictory reality they
explained, was instigated by the focus on financial cost and the potential
depletion of its welfare system which explains why the UK’s humanitarian
response involves stringent regulations, that ensure externalization of the
control of borders as well as application processes.
2.1 Complexities with
Refugee Resettlement
For the refugees who are granted
entrance into the UK the need to help them effectively rebuild their lives is
highlighted by the complexities associated with the resettlement of refugees.
Literature highlights 3 main factors involved in the experience of refugees:
pre-flight, flight, and resettlement factors (Siriwardhana et al., 2014;
Hawkes, 2021). However, in recent times, studies have refocused on the
resettlement factors, which informs practice on the approach to preventive
interventions (e.g., Hodes and Vostanis, 2019; Smith et al., 2020).
Additionally, having arrived in the new country for safety, refugees are faced
with new challenges in terms of traversing language barriers, and a different
culture, whilst simultaneously dealing with the loss of their country that was
once home, culture, family, and friends (Pangas et al., 2019). In general, it
can be said that during the early stages of resettlement, refugees experience a
heightened level of mental health symptoms with a curvilinear pattern that
wanes with time (Codell, 2014). Nevertheless, as research shows, some
individuals who have been traumatised to a greater extent tend to develop
mental health issues for a significant period post resettlement (Giacco, Laxhman,
and Priebe, 2018).
Furthermore, it has been shown
that refugees demonstrate the worst outcomes associated with resettlement which
are connected to experiences following migration. Some of these experiences
include financial challenges and unemployment (Aiyar et al., 2016), social
isolation (Almohamed and Vyas, 2016), discrimination (Langdon, 2018),
and changes in their social roles (Asaf, 2017). Studies show that refugees
who were from higher socio-economic backgrounds or were educated before the
forced migration who experience a significant decrease in their socio-economic
status after migrating showed worse outcomes (Bogic et al., 2015). These
outcomes can be explained by the impact forced migration has on the five core
adaptive systems—attachment, identity-role, safety, justice, and existential
meaning (Silove,1999).
The receiving community is
crucial to the successful integration of refugees. This is because regardless
of the best intentions and plans for the refugees, without a community to
receive them, there will be no resettlement or integration. However,
considering the various issues and difficulties refugees have faced and are
still facing, it is easy to neglect the receiving community in terms of the impact
the arrival of refugees would have on all aspects of their lives. Whilst this
issue is considered to be understudied (Fajth et al., 2019), some of the
existing studies (e.g., Whitaker, 2002; Maystadt and Verwimp, 2014; Ruiz and
Vargas-Silva, 2015; Kreibaum, 2016; Hoseini and Dideh, 2022) have focused
on the environmental and economic impact of the influx of displaced people on
host communities.
With the acute awareness of scare
resources, and the evident need of refugees who are presumed to have little to
no resources (Crawley et al., 2016; Li, Liddell, and Nickerson, 2016; Hynie,
2018) it can be understood why there might be concerns on the part of community
members. Literature shows that in some urban areas, the cost of living such as
rent is inflated, as accommodations become hard to get, and wages are deflated
(especially in the informal/unregulated sector) when demand for jobs increases
disproportionately. This has an even more severe impact in poor countries where
refugees are resettling in impoverished areas, which exposes host communities
to serious economic vulnerabilities. In extreme cases, there has been open
violence between the two communities, as in the case of Jordanian host
communities and Syrian refugees (Corps, 2012). Also, policy research by the
World Bank found that the impact of host community-refugee tension can have an
intergenerational impact with evidence on children’s health (Wang Sonne and
Verme, 2019).
Nevertheless, in developed
countries such as the UK, sponsor families and groups, particularly in the
community sponsorship context, welcome refugees, share the already scarce
resources with them, protect and support them (Home Office, 2021). But
this is not often the case or response from some other members of the receiving
community. So, typically, whilst some members of the communities can perceive
the potential benefits of the arrival of refugees, such as the availability of
diverse manpower and skills for trade opportunities, others might identify them
as threats and opportunists and responsible for any depletion of community
resources, whether alleged or real (Himmel and Baptista, 2020). This suggests
the inevitable tension that arises between the refugees and the receiving
community which should be accounted for from the very onset of planning for the
resettlement of refugees. An approach that has been suggested over a decade ago
by the UNHCR (2008) to mitigate this tension is by initiating and maintaining
dialogues with the receiving communities, acknowledging their needs and challenges,
and working with them to address and provide support where possible. Scholars
like Geekiyanage et al. (2021) have argued that ignoring the needs of
host communities during the assessments and planning of resettlement can be
instrumental to their unwillingness to welcome displaced persons. Although the
study was in the context of internally displaced parties (IDPs), it highlights
the importance of accounting for the needs of the host community as early as
possible during the settlement planning by policymakers.
The concept of identity has been featured in
various disciplines such as sociology, psychology, social psychology,
philosophy, and social anthropology with implications on the functionality of
personhood and collective existence. It can be explained to mean the
characteristics of a person or group that defines them or distinguishes them
from others (Kivisto, 2020). One of the earliest theorists of identity within
the field of psychology is Erik Erikson. Erickson’s theory of psychosocial
development expounds on the idea that identity emanates from ‘the self’—an
individual’s sense of preservation (Erikson, 1968). He suggests that the
attainment of the ego identity is a continuous process that spans across a
person’s life span. It is also highlighted that there may be an identified
conflict between a person’s view of self and social expectations. Overall,
Erickson highlights the importance of societal and personhood in the
development of identity by suggesting that the development of grounded ego
identity and appropriate integration into a society that is stable, enhances a
stronger sense of identity. Conversely, where there is a conflict between these
factors, the likelihood of confusion, and identity crisis is increased (Sumner,
Burrow, and Hill, 2015).
From the sociological perspective, it has been
found that some people attain their sense of identity from the groups they
belong to or are associated with. This facilitates the sense of belonging and
community for such individuals. Accordingly, research into identity has also
looked into why people discriminate, which is a function of favouring those
perceived to be part of the ‘in-group’ over those considered as Others.
Scholars have offered explanations for such concerns. For instance, one
explanation relating to the social identity theory is that the awareness of
power differentials or perceived distinction between the in and out groups can
effectively impact how people evaluate and label others (Côté and Levine,
2014). To further illustrate, within the context of the integration of
refugees, if there are preconceived negative notions about who refugees are and
what they represent (e.g., threat), the receiving community may be compelled to
categorise themselves and the refugees and asylum seekers into the in-group and
out-group or others respectively (Högberg et al., 2016; Hynie, 2018). This
strips off the identities of refugees and asylum seekers so that regardless of
who they are and their uniqueness, gender, or (the identity they have
constructed for themselves prior to seeking refuge), they now are seen and
treated as ‘others’. This notion assumes that the refugees possess
characteristics that make them ‘Others’, different from the community in which
they have come for refugee, and serves to create a paradox, where the otherness
qualifies them to receive support and, in some instances, criminalises
them. It has also been suggested that neo-colonial ideologies may be an
underlying factor on the part of the receiving society perpetuating the concept
of otherness (Said,1979; Bakić-Hayden and Hayden, 1992; Mountz, 2009).
This means that any refugee from the countries regarded as ‘other’ are most
likely to be discriminated against, with little empathy, since they are the
outside group with less desirable qualities. Another resultant effect could be
that given their otherness, the refugees are expected to put in more effort to
compensate for their inadequacies. Additionally, where the mainstream or in
group perceives refugees or migrants in general as a threat, an expected result
is the further widening of the gap between the in and out-groups (Hogg, 2016;
Roggeband and van der Haar, 2018; Uenal et al., 2021). Fear arising from
the spreading of racist rhetoric by the government against migrants who are
supposedly after their privilege also contributes to the division between the
groups (Béland, 2020; Kunst and Obaidi, 2020; Lees, 2018). Thus, one can
conclude that whilst there are efforts and schemes to help integrate refugees,
factors such as otherness (as a function of identity crisis) which perpetuates
discrimination and racism, make it terribly difficult. Also, it makes sense to
consider that these anti-integration factors might have been induced and
sustained by the existing policies and overall changes in the social and
political landscape.
For the asylum seeker and refugees, coming from a
situation where their personal, social identities and roles have disintegrated,
the different labels assigned to them can create a dichotomy between what they
want to be and seen as (the ideal self) and how others, the in-group see them
(the limited self), resulting to identity crisis. Such divide and identity
crisis can be expected to limit their ability to integrate into the host
community. To further complicate the situation, where such categorisation
or discrimination occurs in the minds of those helping refugees, the
implication becomes the homogenising of approaches so that the created
otherness from the majority group is solidified. While it cannot be concluded
that the compulsion to see people different from themselves is to retain power
and control, whereby the helped remain dependant, it is the case in some
instances (Abad-Merino et al., 2013). Whatever the motivation, there is the
resultant effect of discriminatory behaviours manifested in the rate of
unemployment, housing (Drydakis, 2013, 2017; Chwialkowska, 2020), and health
inequalities (Viruell-Fuentes, 2007), with culminating impact on the
sustainability of community development and less than ideal integration of refugees.
Further, with the idea of refugees and those
seeking asylum implied to be opportunists attracted by the welfare system
broadcasted through the media, it is easy to see how this could have a
detrimental effect on the refugees who are privileged to be taken in as
refugees by the state such as the Syrian refugees taken from the UN
camps (Ibrahim and Howarth 2017). This no doubt suggests the racialisation
and criminalisation of asylum seekers, especially, when they have landed in
another country first before seeking to enter Britain. Consequently, such
description, label, and identity are given to refugees ensure that they are
seen as not deserving of both the taxpayer’s money and sympathy. The new
identity given to refugees also serves the discrimination and the distinction
applied to who deserves help or protection, whilst allowing for the contracted
humanitarianism and the non-proximate approach adopted by the UK to keep away
or reduce the number of people entering through its borders.
What follows next is a brief discussion of the UK's
response to the need for resettlement and integration of refugees using policy
to inform resettlement strategies.
2.4 The
UK Refugee Resettlement Policy
The UK’s official response to the humanitarian
crisis globally is aimed at helping those who have been found to be most
vulnerable and in need of protection as refugees rebuild their
lives. Matters regarding policies, laws pertaining to immigration in the
United Kingdom are overseen by UK Home Office. The policy for migrants who have
fled their country due to war, conflict, or persecution, seeking refuge and
resettlement in the UK, may seek asylum, which makes provision for an
“indefinite leave to remain” (Immigration and Asylum Act. 1999). This
application for asylum is required to be done once they arrive at the UK
border. On average, the process endures for 6-months, in addition to rigorous
interviews and investigations carried out by immigration officers (Home Office,
n.d.) which considering the situation of the asylum seekers, has been described
as not only complex but also slow. The individuals who are granted access into
the country now assume the status of refugees, qualify for the UK refugee
protection rights (1967), based on Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (UNHCR, 1951). The refugees are then allowed to access The Gateway
Protection Programme run by the Home Office; however, the programme can only
cater to 750 refugees per annum (Bianchini, 2018).
Apart from those who arrive at the border and apply
for asylum, other refugees are accepted into the UK as referrals from
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), who work
closely with the home office to identify refugees in legitimate refugee camps,
and host communities who would be most impacted by being settled in the UK. As
can be expected, the UK government reserves the right to decide all
resettlements (Home Office, 2021). Before any refugee considered vulnerable is
referred to the UK for resettlement, the UNHCR assesses, identifies, and
processes their identity and the composition family, determine the experiences
and present situation in the host country, and those who show the potential for
resettlement needs considering their vulnerability (UNHCR, 2011). They also,
carry out a complete Refugee Status Determination (RSD), in addition to
carrying out interviews that assess that the selected refugees are legible for
resettlement, following the UNHCR’s resettlement handbook prior to referral for
the consideration of the UK (UNHCR, 2011). It is worth mentioning that the
UNHCR also assess the readiness of the resettlement country such as the UK to
ensure that the appropriate resettlement programmes are in place to ensure
sustainability in the long run: firstly, policy and legislation instruments
which address the need for legal status and allocation rights of refugees;
secondly, the involvement and consultation of stakeholders; and thirdly, a
viable integration programme that provide the needed support, enable and ensure
access to crucial service must be in place (UNHCR, 2013).
2.5 Refugee
Resettlement Schemes
As of 2021, the approach to resettling refugees in
the UK involves the operational 3 resettlement schemes: The UK
Resettlement Scheme (UKRS), Community Sponsorship Scheme, and Mandate
Resettlement Scheme (Home Office, 2021). All schemes are accessible to only
those verified as refugees by UNHCR and identified as in need of resettlement.
Those being resettled through the UKRS, the local authorities have the responsibility
for receiving and supporting the refugees. Those resettled through the
Community Sponsorship Scheme are managed by local community groups and
families, which enables community involvement in the support of refugees.
Whilst the Mandate Resettlement Scheme refugees who have close (spouse,
minor child, parent, or grandparent who are above 65 years old) family members
who have settled in the UK or are en route to a settlement with limited
leave to remain (Home Office, 2021). But at the beginning of 2022, the
government officially introduced the Afghan Citizens Resettlement Scheme
(ACRS), dedicated to people who have supported the efforts of the UK government
in Afghanistan on issues pertaining to rights to freedom of speech, women’s
rights, rule of law and democracy. It also benefits those who are vulnerable
including those identified as LGBT+, those of religious and minority groups, as
well as women and girls (UK Visas and Immigration and Home Office, 2022).
As with the other schemes, the UK government works with the UNHCR to
identify those eligible for resettlement within the ACRS.
Having been resettled in terms of having the legal
status, the refugees then have the right to work and access to welfare
benefits, depending on whether they meet the eligibility criteria for the
appropriate Department for Work and Pensions regarding particular benefit they
are applying for (Home Office, 2022). They also receive initial welcome
arrangements, orientation, and casework support as well as English Language
provision by the local authority for those resettled through the
UKRS (Home Office, 2021). Further provisions involve the assigning of a
caseworker to individuals or families resettled. Close contact is established
and maintained between the caseworker and the resettled family or individuals
for a year to provide needed support for their integration and general
wellbeing. For instance, the caseworker will assist the resettled persons
accessing services such as healthcare, booking and attending Jobcentre Plus
appointments, help with employment, registering with English for speakers of
other languages (ESOL) classes or schools supported by the Department of
Education (DfE) (DfES 2003), give advice and refer individuals to relevant
mental health services, and other specialist services designed for people who
have experienced trauma (Home Office, 2021). All of these are achieved
through funds from the central government, in response to the vulnerabilities
identified by UNHCR during the process of referral.
On the other hand, refugees resettled through the
Community Sponsorship receive housing for 2 years from the sponsorship group.
With this arrangement, refugees sign a tenancy agreement requiring them to pay
rent. All integration support is provided by the community group for a year,
which starts from welcoming them from the airport and all support provided for
the refugees arriving through the UKRS. In the case where a breakdown of the
Community Sponsorship takes place, the local authority resumes the support
provided for the refugees (Home Office, 2021). In essence, the integration of
this approach provides the necessary support to enable refugees resettled to
rebuild their lives and become self-sufficient.
Considering the resettlement schemes, it is evident
that the government sponsorship approach tends to focus on the structural
integration (provision of housing, language classes, mental health services) to
the detriment of the cultural and social ones. Admittedly, evidence
suggests that the provisions and services such as language classes, and mental
health services are key to the integration of refugees (Giacco and Priebe,
2018; Ellis et al., 2019; Morrice et al., 2021), but from the policy
perspective, the approach to resettlement is prescriptive. This suggests an
assumption that all refugees lack the necessary skills or qualifications that
can be nurtured and transferred to the UK system. Furthermore, the emphasis on
formal education that is nationally acknowledged qualifications as a means to
facilitate employment and social inclusion fails to consider the invaluable
contributions of informal education that fosters cultural capital as well as
community development (Hann et al., 2021).
2.6
Understanding Integration
The entrance of refugees into a country with
different societies, cultures, and languages because of conflicts to rebuild
their lives presents several challenges that span across all aspects of their
lives (Bevelander, 2020). For the refugees, resettlement is a life-changing
experience; and as such the approach adopted to achieve this can either ease
the refugees’ difficult journey or exacerbate it (Phillimore, 2021). On the
other hand, the host community/country is saddled with the task of resettling
the refugees, which can be both daunting and disruptive (Gibney, 2018).
At the core of resettlement is integration. It can
be argued that, without the achievement of integration, policy goals and the
whole essence of refugee resettlement schemes cannot be effectively achieved
(Alraie et al., 2020). However, the concept of integration has been widely
debated in the literature. Several scholars have endeavoured to define
integration, with no clear consensus. Traditionally, the UK Government’s
approach to integration suggested an idea whereby migrants are made to be as like
the dominant culture as possible (Threadgold and Court, 2005; Kostakopoulou,
2010). This submits that integration can at times mean absorption, an
indication that probably the different cultures of the migrants are inferior or
not of value to the dominant culture which warrants its assimilation. There is
also the tendency of the concept of integration to be used in such a way that
what is a structural dimension is individualised (Mulvey, 2015). For instance,
in the case of high rates of refugee unemployment, the focus is placed on the
individual factors that make the refugees unemployable, rather than the
structural issues of the labour market that limit their employment options.
Such a flawed premise impacts policy and social situations that can either
foster or hinder integration. Still on the employment example, not
valuing the assets and skills migrates brought with them, means that their
professional qualifications, employment experiences, or other skills they
possess are not recognised, rendering them unemployable for the most part until
certified otherwise (Guo, Ariss and Brewster, 2020). When the impact of race
and immigration status-related discrimination and inequalities are considered,
the picture of the underlying cause of inefficient integration emerges.
However, current literature suggests that the
concept of integration has evolved. Overall, it can be deduced from the
literature that integration encompasses the approach preferred by the newcomers
(in this case, refugees and asylum seekers), that allows them to retain their
unique identity and culture, whilst actively engaging with the host community
(Ager and Strang, 2008; Grzymala-Kazlowska and Phillimore, 2018; Phillimore,
Humphris and Khan, 2018). Its success rests on the evidence of enabling
policies that account for, accept and support the cultural differences evident
with the arrival of newcomers. It also requires the active involvement of
legislators, institutions, community members, and newcomers in their engagement
with and adaptation to diversity (Ager and Strang, 2008; Phillimore, 2021).
This understanding suggests that integration is multifaceted, involving not
only the newcomers but also, the receiving community and local institutions or
organisations. The facets of integration can be viewed from the perspectives of
culture and social structure. The cultural aspect of integration involves the
building of social bonds, participation in community activities, the instrument
of language, and other culture-related practices (Strang and Quinn, 2021). The
structural dimension refers to the availability and accessibility of resources
and services such as education, health, employment, and housing (Kohlbacher,
2020).
In addition to the above explanation of
integration, the concept of integration adopted for this study is reflective of
the indicators of the integration framework by Ager and Strang (2004, 2008).
The study commissioned by the Home Office has been repeatedly cited in research
into refugee integration both nationally and internationally
(e.g., Phillimore, 2011. Refugees; Akcapar and Simsek, 2018; Joyce and
Liamputtong, 2017). The essence of the study was to develop a framework for the
understanding and evaluation of integration. This was needed because prior to
this, there was no clear framework for ascertaining the success or failure of
integration approaches or strategies, with varying understanding of the
concept. The framework consists of four categories under which 10 domains of
integration are organised. First is the ‘marker and means’ which describes
employment, housing, and education domains as both indicators of the valued
achievements of refugees given their participation within the receiving
community and the means to which these achievements or ends are met, as they
facilitate the achievement of other elements needed for integration (Ager and
Strang, 2008). Second is the social connection that draws on the constructs of
social bridges, links, and bonds drawn from Putnam’s social capital constructs,
to describe the different relevant social relationships and connections that
are forged within and between communities, government, and services and
identified as important by refugees (Ager and Strang 2008). Third are the
facilitators which include language and cultural knowledge and safety and
stability, representative of conditions, knowledge, and skill that enable
refugees (and community members) to engage actively whilst feeling safe in the
communities (Ager and Strang, 2008). Finally, fourth is 'foundation' which
points to the rights and citizenship domain that instructs what a person is entitled
to both from the government and the society, reflective of the civic duties and
expectations of citizenship (Ager and Strang 2008).
These indicators of integration have gained ground
in various discourses and strategies on refugee integration (Esterhuizen and
Murphy 2007; Strang, Baillot and Mignard, 2016), as well as influenced the
UK regional and national policy (Home Office 2021). However, it has been
critiqued by scholars such as Enns, Kirova, and Connolly, (2013) who
argue that a limitation of the framework is that it is not clear which theme or
domain is central to a holistic approach to integration. They emphasised that
social connections are that domain. Thus, the framework offers the group
of resource domains that are needed for integration. According to Putnam’s
(2001) social capital theory, with such resources, there can be some exchange
of resources taking place through the social relationships and connections
built. Similarly, the conservation of resources (COR) theory by Hobfoll (1989)
highlights the importance of resources (social, personal, and material). The
central tenet of Hobfoll's (1998) COR theory is that people seek to retain and
preserve resources they value, and where these valued resources are lost, the
ability to cope with daily demands of life become taxed, with implications for
psychological, physical health and resilience (Hobfoll, 2011). Thus,
people seek to rebuild or recover that which is lost with the available
(remaining) resource and as such any social assistance to this end can help
reduce the effect of the loss and foster recovery. In the case of refugees, and
asylum seekers, having lost everything, they can be seen to be in a state of
desperation to rebuild their valued resources which may include housing,
employment, social roles, and self-identity. And because these valued resources
are built and preserved within the context of the society/community and
environment, social relationships and connections are central to the response
to the trauma that made them refugees and asylum seekers (Hobfoll 2014).
However, as the theory suggests, whilst community or social aid can help
refugees rebuild their valued resources, it is important to recognise that they
(the helped) still have some valuable resources that contribute not only to
their own recovery but to the receiving society as well. This is important
because according to social-capital theory, the mutual exchange of
resources demonstrated in the receiving and giving underlies social capital
development and maintenance/preservation (Coleman 1988). It is this unique
relationship and opportunity of social support and resource exchange that the
community development approach to integration seeks to harness.
Chapter Three
3.0 The Case for Community
Development Approach to the Integration of Refugees
The UK government has indeed responded and is still responding to the
resettlement and integration needs of refugees in the UK (Home Office,
2021). However, there is evidence that there is room for improvement
with regard to the approach to integration. For instance, a comparison of
government and community sponsorship-led resettlement of refugees in the UK
suggests that from the refugees' perspective, government-led schemes do not
have the capabilities and flexibilities to address cultural issues and the need
for varied interaction opportunities that are crucial to integration (Alraie et
al., 2020). This has been explained to be due to the bureaucracy and rigidity
of the state institutions or NGOs that the government has outsourced
to. Thus, there is no denying the fact that existing approaches to refugee
integration provide basic needs—food, shelter, clothing, and some level of
empowerment such as English language class (Home Office, 2021). However, all
efforts are heavily problem-focused, which is resource-intensive. Also, this
approach limits the partnership and engagement of refugees that could be
established through capacity building and harnessing of existing skills and
potentials to not only facilitate independence but also alleviate costs for the
receiving communities.
On the other hand, community sponsorship was found to allow for the
flexibility that is needed to account for all domains of integration,
especially those that relate to social connections and culture, thereby
providing a more holistic approach to integration (Alraie et al.,
2020). This suggests that the UK’s approach to refugee resettlement
has, through the community sponsorship scheme, moved to account for a community
perspective to refugee integration since 2016. Evidence abounds that suggests
that most of the limitations evident in the existing approach to refugee
integration can be addressed by an approach that allows active participation of
both the host communities and the refugees, especially where the refugees are
not treated as utterly helpless or less-than but as resourceful and capable of
using the protection and assistance offered to rebuild their lives and
contribute to community development.
For example, two of the case studies that were presented in the
Community Sponsorship guidance document for prospective sponsors (Home Office,
2021) offer some insights into the effectiveness of a community approach to
refugee integration. One of the case studies is about a couple from Syria with
three children who were resettled in the UK, having gone through various
traumas. The case study shows how employing community resources, including
trained professionals, and engaging the family members led to the recognition
and resolution of deeper mental health issues, despite the stigma associated
with it. It was also shown that the whole family grasped enough understanding
to not need an interpreter within six months, and with the support of the
sponsor group, the older family members (father, mother, and the two older
sons) secured employment that supported them to build their capacities in other
aspects of their lives. Also, the story reveals that the daughter having gained
admission to the local school is doing well and has made friends.
The other case study illustrates how another family (husband, wife, and
2 daughters) also from Syria has integrated into their local community
following resettlement in the UK. From the case study it was evident that
through the support provided by the sponsoring group, the family members,
especially the mother was able to develop relationships with the neighbours,
attend her appointments at the job centre, and budget her finances in spite of
the benefit caps. With the daughters happy and settling and adjusting well in school,
the family keeps working on being self-sufficient and driving towards what is
best for them and their needs.
The case studies point to the fact that the community-based approach
used in settling these families, ensured that sponsor groups worked closely
with the families to help them adjust, enabling them to make adequate use of
the opportunities presented to them. However, the case studies also reveal that
the integration process is heavily focused on problem-solving as opposed to
resource exchange and partnership. Likewise, it is important to acknowledge
here that the achievement of one or two domains of integration such as
employment or the English language does not necessarily translate to the
overall success or sustained integration (Collyer et al., 2018; Coley et
al., 2019). Therefore, other domains of integration and aspects of the
community development approach need to receive attention from community
sponsors to achieve a more sustainable integration, that draws from the
strengths and assets of refugees.
Furthermore, the achievement of refugee integration may not be
possible if the issues associated with forced migration and the complexities of
resettlement are not sufficiently understood. Granted, the procedures involved
in the referral of identified refugees by the UNHCR involve some assessment of
their needs, especially their mental health needs. But this seems to only focus
on the trauma they have experienced due to the war and loss, but not much on
the mental issues that arise (or the exacerbation of existing psychological
distress (Kone et al., 2019)) due to pre-and post-resettlement conditions
(Karamanidou and Folley, 2020; Quinn, 2014; Strang and Quinn, 2021). Some
of these conditions have been found at the individual and community levels such
as financial needs, cultural acclimatisation, and housing conditions (Priebe
and Giacco, 2018); coupled with structural issues such as structural
discrimination, racism, identity crisis, violence, and complex, unfavourable
asylum procedures/policies (Juárez et al., 2019). In the case where the host
environment is contributory to the problem of integration, it makes sense to
expect that practical holistic solutions should be provided, as opposed to the
emphasis on psychotherapy only (Karamanidou and Folley, 2020).
The community development approach which is drawn from UNHCR’s community
development policy (UNHCR, 2001), is suggested in this study as an alternative
to the UKRS because it helps to address the refugee integration
complexities associated with refugee resettlement (e.g., discrimination,
poverty, othering, identity crisis, misunderstandings; Velho and
Thomas-Olalde, 2011; Rashid and Cepeda-GarcÃa, 2021). The community development
approach is centred around the enablement of refugees and all stakeholders in a
way that allows refugees and other migrants to rebuild their lives (UNHCR,
2001). The approach promotes the fact that refugees should be at the core of
all plans regarding their resettlement and integration, and that they possess some
resources and capabilities that should be considered and mobilised, rather than
relegating them to the role of passive recipients of help. Thus, it is about
them being ‘subjects’ of all things concerning them as opposed to ‘objects. Additionally,
the community development approach is consistent with the core of the
concept of integration: a reciprocal process, which involves some level of
resource exchange and participation from all stakeholders and the retainment of
the cultural identity of each party (UNHCR, 2013).
With regards to meeting the needs of refugees, the concept of community
development approach to integration has not been sufficiently researched into,
in the same way, it is outlined in the UNHCR’s community development policy
document. However, its guiding principles are reflected in various studies
highlighting the benefits of community-based approaches in achieving different
dimensions of integration such as physical and mental health, housing,
employment, social inclusion, and education/English language (e.g., Kovács
et al., 2010; Goodkind et al., 2014; Pejic et al., 2017; Vesely et al., 2017;
Symons and Ponzio, 2019; Riza et al., 2020). Key guiding principles of a
community-based or community development approach to refugee integration include
participation, diversity analysis, empowerment, sustainable solutions, and
ownership (UNHCR, 2008).
Through its guiding principles, a community development approach offers
numerous benefits to addressing the issues associated with refugee resettlement
and integration. First, the participation of refugees, the host community, and
all other stakeholders in all stages of the integration planning process will
likely foster social cohesion and connection, enhancing the success of
integration (Home Office, 2019). This is because, by working in partnership
with all concerned, there is a recognition of resilience, skills, capabilities,
and resources that can be identified and built upon to proffer solutions and
protection for the refugees, as well as address the host community’s own needs
or challenges (Cheung and Phillimore, 2016; Collyer et al., 2018). Working in
partnership with refugees can shade more light on the similar and different
ways violent displacement affects- each individual - girls, boys, women, and
men (Asthana, 2012). This can then inform tailored community-based initiatives
that can address the degree of distress and protection risks presented by
individuals which can vary depending on various factors such as background,
gender, age, and extent of exposure (Charsley and Spencer, 2019). For example,
culturally, women and girls are more likely to be subject to sexual assault and
violence than men or boys, in addition to witnessing killings or separation
from their loved ones, socio-economic, and cultural changes, combined with the
loss of material/personal possessions, community ties (Freedman, 2016;
Holvikivi and Reeves, 2020). They also are not often involved in the
decision-making process, which might warrant a different approach to engaging
them in activities (Hora, 2014; Ilesanmi, 2018).
Yet as the COR theory suggests, people are resilient, with incredible
capabilities to cope and work towards rebuilding their resources even under
unbearable circumstances (Hobfoll, 2014). With the right approach and support
provided through a community-based approach, these coping mechanisms and
capabilities can be identified, understood, and employed to help people rebuild
their lives. In working with refugees and communities, community members would
be better informed about the fact that forced displacement is what happens to
people as opposed to who they are, and that it can happen to anybody regardless
of country or background. Similarly, with community programmes aimed at
educating community members, the issue of identity which serves as the basis
for discrimination, racism, and othering can be tackled (Castle, 2018). The
partnership should also involve collaboration with government,
non-governmental, national, and international partners to understand the
broader impact of policies on the success of refugee integration (Phillimore,
2013). Additionally, applying community-based approaches affords the
recognition of cultural dynamics to appreciate the power disparities between
the minorities and majority groups; between men and women; disabled and abled;
young and old; boys and girls, and foster the working with community members
and leaders to protect and ensure that rights and equality are respected
(Charsley and Spencer, 2019). This facilitates the analysis of diversity in
age, gender, culture, sexual orientation, religion, disability, and other
factors which helps reduce exclusion and discrimination, whilst ensuring that
the community structure and leadership which provide needed support and
protection are not undermined by the community-based initiatives/interventions
(Castle, 2018). Concurrently, findings from diversity analysis and the new
cultural and community dynamics can be recognised within the context of the
community-based approach as opportunities for targeted efforts to empower
groups that are discriminated against to know their rights and exercise them
(UNHCR, 2008).
A community-based approach can help in the empowerment of refugees which
enables them to receive information to analyse their situation and build their
capacity to harness available resources, claim their rights, and take informed
actions to rebuild their resources and lives (Zimmerman, 2000). This includes
the provision of informal and formal opportunities for refugees to learn the
English Language (Morrice et al., 2019). This is important because being able
to speak English has been found to enhance both social connections, well-being,
finding employment, access to services, and other civic activities (Degler and
Liebig, 2017; Sobolewska, Galandini, and Lessard-Phillips, 2017; Tip et al.,
2019). It also enables them to feel free to re-establish their culture which
forms part of their real identity and support system (Im and Swan, 2021; Lau
and Rodgers, 2021). Similarly, empowering the community with the right
information to see refugees as valuable as opposed to people to do things to or
for, will help expand resource exchange and strengthen community assets and
structures (Strang and Quinn, 2014).
This can also include the empowerment of community sponsors to be able
to recognise the capabilities of both refugees and members of the community to
facilitate a more resourceful and constructive connection that is founded on
mutual respect, with refugees (Wessendorf and Phillimore, 2019). Thus,
empowerment should not be viewed as something to be done to people, but as
enabling people to do things for themselves and the community. This will not
only help community sponsors to be more efficient at providing supporting
solutions (e.g., Almohamed, Vyas and Zhang, 2018; Shneikat and Alrawadieh,
2019) and protection, but also help address the fear of resource depletion or
economic vulnerability with the arrival of refugees and asylum seekers
entertained by some of the community members (Zetter, 2012).
Furthermore, with the understanding that refugees were once living as
legitimate and valuable citizens of their countries before their forced
displacement, it follows then that within the refugee communities are
reservoirs of various talents, work experiences, and skills, as well as unique
cultural, religious and social associations that can be channelled to good use
(Hirst et al., 2021).
A natural consequence of applying the principles of participation and
empowerment with the community-based approach is that refugees will take full
responsibility for the sustenance of the interventions, services, and support
that they have been provided with (Okai, 2021). In other words, they take
ownership of the solutions, and because they are part of them, and value them,
they will endeavour to preserve and maintain them; although they might still
need further support and guidance in some respects, due to limited
opportunities or resources (UNHCR, 2008).
Although the benefits of the community development approach to refugee
integration remain, there are barriers to its implementation. One of such
barriers is the lack of funding for some of the community development
programme, especially in the socio-cultural realm (Home Office, 2019). Without
the finances, even the existing initiatives that do exist may not be
sustainable. Another barrier is the fact that community programmes created
might become formalised British programmes that do not represent the diverse
cultures of refugees. This might happen when programmes created are controlled
by national policies, infrastructures, and service provisions. Furthermore,
whilst volunteers are valuable human resources, they might be able to
adequately implement community-based programmes if they are not trained or
monitored.
Interestingly, if innovatively implemented, community-based approaches
can overcome these barriers and successfully integrate refugees. This may
involve soliciting funds on platforms such as GoFund Me, organising programmes
that educate stakeholders on the key principles of the community development
approach to integration and training for volunteers (Phillimore, 2012).
3.1 Implications for Practice and Policy
The insights received from this study indicate significant implications
for practice and policy. Given the impact of forced displacement and
post-settlement conditions on the ability of refugees to rebuild their lives,
it is vital that any receiving community helps create the enabling
environment that would foster trust and reinforce the benefits of social
connection and reciprocal exchange of resources. Which is most likely to be
achieved through the community development approach. Three key priorities are
identified for practice and policy: 1. establishing partnership with refugees,
the receiving community, and all other stakeholders in order to develop
understanding, social cohesion, and connections to provide tailored support and
protection; 2. Empowerment, which sets refugees and community members up to be
able to make sufficient use of information and available opportunities to
engage in resource exchange and community development; 3. Ownership and
sustainability of initiative and solutions provided: a natural result of proper
implementation of both partnership and empowerment.
Furthermore,
treating refugees as helpless or the 'other', who can only receive help (or
worse, as undeserving of help), without taking time to harness the wealth of
skill, knowledge, and experience that they possess will have several negative
impacts on the refugees as well as the host community. In this case, the
refugees will become dependent, and more of a burden to the host community and
country. This will also impact the ability of refugees to access services,
including English language classes, and mental health services. This might also
increase discrimination, othering, and identity crisis which might result in
individuals isolating, which has implications for social cohesion as people
might not be participating in social activities.
Refugee resettlement policy and political landscape have a great impact
on how refugees are integrated. Where there is a migration policy that is
favourable and flexible, it would help foster a more holistic approach to
refugee integration with social capital. A community development
approach, such as the community sponsorship scheme is more likely to enable an
environment where the capacity is built, resources exchanged, and understanding
is established between refugees and community members.
Evidence suggests that putting refugees at the centre of all support,
and what concerns them and addressing the challenges some community members
face as early as possible would be an effective way of mitigating the issues
associated with resettlement. In practice, this could be achieved through the
implementation of the key principles of the community development approach,
which is partly reflected by the community sponsorship scheme. Additionally,
community sponsors should be supported to identify, harness, and maximize the
potential of community members (e.g., volunteers), refugees, and service
providers (such as English language class tutors) for establishing meaningful
partnerships and social connections.
Whilst it is acknowledged that the community sponsorship scheme reflects
some of the principles of the community development approach, this study
recommends that there needs to be a shift from the focus on ‘doing for’ or
‘doing to’ to more focus on ‘enabling to do’ with regards to the way
support/services are provided to the refugees. Also, it is suggested that
achieving success in one domain of integration is not sufficient to ensure a
sustainable integration. However, already existing support and achievements can
be built upon to enable refugees to draw from their skills and knowledge to not
only rebuild their lives but also contribute meaningfully to the development of
the community that has welcomed them to safety.
This study contributes to the field of refugee integration and how the
community development approach can be applied in a refugee integration context.
It offers some insights into the community or social processes of integration,
connecting the issues associated with resettlement to community factors that
underpin the integration process. Using Hobfoll's (1998) COR
theory and Putnam’s (2001) social capital theory to understand the situation of
refugees, it highlights the fact that refugees are people who have gone through
resource-depleting ordeals and experiences that are psychologically draining,
lacking shared culture and language skills, security, and stability, and as
such need, support to rebuild their lives. Furthermore, it points to the
fact that ineffective integration can enable ill-treatment of refugees through
discrimination, categorisation (othering), poor access to services and rights,
and overall abuse of power. To help address these, it advocates for an
approach—the community-based approach that allows for refugees' capabilities
and remaining resources to be utilised with the support and social capital
provided.
It is recommended that more research that investigates the effectiveness
of a community-based approach to refugee integration would provide more
understanding of capacity building and resource exchange between resettling
refugees and the receiving community.
Finally, with the current humanitarian crisis heightened by wars and
conflicts such as the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, it is imperative that an
approach like the community development approach, which reinforces the
self-esteem and dignity of refugees and empowers all stakeholders to work
synergistically to enable each community member to thrive in exercising their
human rights is promoted. It is intended that this study.
provides valuable insights that can inform practice and refugee
resettlement policy in the UK.
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Grace Ogechi
Theophilus.
BA
(Hons) Health & Social Care
