Monday, 18 March 2024

Korra Obidi teaches her Facebook Followers how to steal Ice Cream from an expensive Ice Cream Shop in Los Angeles

The Social Media singing and dancing 33 years old Anita Chukwumfunaya Obidi, aka, Korra Obidi, in her very recent post on her Facebook handle reveals how she gets ice cream from an expensive shop in Los Angeles without paying for it and encourages her followers to copy suit.
Korra, who believes that paying $37.00 just to buy ice cream at the Bacio Di Latte ice cream shop in Los Angeles is insane, she advised her followers to use a testing tactics to consume different flavours of ice cream until they are full and then get out of the shop without paying.

Korra started by informing viewers about Bacio Di Latte as the most expensive ice cream shop in Los Angeles, followed by providing her followers with tips to get ice cream from shops like Bacio Di Latte without paying a cent for it.

While A lot of Netizens have condemned the presentation as they consider it a criminal Act that is not worth sharing, some believe that Korra was using her Facebook page to teach her followers how to engage in anti-social behaviours.

What is your take on this topic? 
Leave your comment below to educate viewers.

Bookmark this blog to stay tuned.

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Saturday, 28 January 2023

Community Development Approach: Integration of Refugees in the United Kingdom

To everyone who has waited patiently for this piece, I say a big thank you to you all. 



I wish to tender my heartfelt apologies for delayed posting of this article. I had a network breakdown while trying to get it posted. 

I hope to be forgiven.

This Article is mainly to encourage people of all races and ethnicities, that writing a book or an article does not have to bent on tarnishing the image of a person or a group of persons. It must not target to ruin to reputation of any individual that had agree to disagree with you. 

A lot of people has had a psychological breakdowns from either divorce or separations, bereavements or lost of beloved ones, etc. The question is "does it really worth expressing in a book or an Article?"

I strongly beleive that the chase would be worth it when it installs happiness in the life of the chaser, rather than just money. So, chase 'Happiness' not 'Money'.

I hope you all enjoys reading my Research Study (RS). Your comments would be highly appreciated.


Best Wishes


Grace Theophilus.

Gracious_Grace.


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Acknowledgment 

I would like to express my special thanks of gratitude to my supervisor, Rachel Searcey who has always given me invaluable support from the beginning of this study on the topic: Community Development Approach: Integration of Refugees in the United Kingdom to its completionThank you for being patient in guiding me in the right direction for this study. I am grateful to Nigel Down, my Personal Guidance (PG), who ensures that I am not missing out on anything on my research, keeps me up to date with my performance, appraises my efforts, and informs me on how well am doing in my research works and what to improve upon. I also thank Emma Broadhurst – ‘Machine’!  who is the Senior Guidance. Thank you for being very supportive and helping me in all areas pertaining to my Research Studies (RS) so that I can achieve my research aim. I am truly grateful to you all.

Now to my family and friends who have supported me in various ways, I thank you indeed.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table of Contents

 

Acknowledgment. 1

Abstract. 3

Chapter One. 4

1.0 Introduction. 4

1.1 Some definitions. 7

1.1.0 Refugee. 7

1.1.1 Integration.. 7

1.1.2 Community Development. 7

1.1.3 Community Development Approach.. 8

Chapter Two. 8

2.0 Refugees as a Consequence of War/Conflict. 8

2.1 Complexities with Refugee Resettlement. 10

2.2 The Receiving community. 11

2.3 Understanding Discrimination, Racism, and Othering within the concept of identity and the impact on refugee integration.. 13

2.4 The UK Refugee Resettlement Policy. 17

2.5 Refugee Resettlement Schemes. 18

2.6 Understanding Integration.. 21

Chapter Three. 25

3.0 The Case for Community Development Approach to the Integration of Refugees. 25

3.1 Implications for Practice and Policy. 33

3.2 Conclusion.. 36

References. 37

 

 

 

 

 

 

Abstract

 

Central to the resettlement of refugees is integration. It is an enduring process that is multidimensional. Following the arrival of refugees into the UK, they are faced with numerous issues such as culture and language barriers, discrimination, and identity crisis among health, housing, and employment concerns. In response to this, the UK Government working in collaboration with the UNHCR, act to mitigate these humanitarian needs through its refugee resettlement schemes. However, there is evidence that there is room for improvement, especially for the community sponsorship scheme. This study aims to highlight the benefits of the community development approach to refugee integration in the United Kingdom as an alternative to the government-sponsored scheme and a blueprint for the improvement of the community sponsorship scheme. This is achieved by reviewing relevant research papers, policy documents, and other grey literature. The study concludes with the recommendation of a shift from a rigid prescriptive approach to refugees refugee integration to a more flexible and holistic approach that allows for community connection to be central to the integration process. Further research is also suggested.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter One

1.0 Introduction

With the impact of war, conflicts, and political unrest in some parts of the world, the displacement of a significant number of people seeking asylum and refuge has become one of the most prominent issues in recent times. Of 193 members of the United Nations, 147 member states signed the convention on refugees, pledging to provide asylum to people who are stateless due to conflict or persecution (UNHCR, 2022). However, only 20 member states have followed through on their commitment to offering permanent resettlement (Beiser, 2009) and it is estimated that less than 1% of the 17.2 million refugees were resettled by the end of 2016 (UNHCR, 2016). Although the UK offers refuge to individuals including women and children deemed most vulnerable (Home Office, 2015), referred to the Home Office by the UNHCR, this describes the global reality of refugees. The plight of these people who come from different countries and cultures has been broadcasted with many drowning in the Mediterranean Sea in their effort to cross over to Europe, while others face various ill-treatments such as forced labour, sex trafficking, and violence via other means to Europe. Such diverse experiences underline the fact that refugees are not a homogeneous population, as one may be tempted to think, facilitated by the term, ‘refugees. The characteristics that make this group significant lie in the difficult situations, experiences, and treatments that forced them to flee from their homes/countries; such that have placed them at a greater risk of facing/developing various health and social problems. Coming into the host country, they are faced with poverty, the need to be dependent, and a lack of integration and cohesive social support (Chantler, 2012.). All of which undermines not only their physical health but also, their mental health.

Considering this level of vulnerability, it would be expected that asylum seekers would receive needed support when they reach the host countries as would the general population, but data suggests otherwise: they are less likely to assess support compared to the general population (Bakker, Cheung, and Phillimore, 2016). With regards to their physical health, literature shows that refugees and asylum seekers have added physical health needs compared to the host population (Schouler-Ocak et al., 2016; Schouler-Ocak et al., 2019). Earlier sources suggest that they face challenges whilst seeking to access health care in their host countries (Burnett and Peel, 2001; Tribe, 2002; Laban et al., 2004; Papadopoulos et al., 2004; Carlsson, Mortensen and Kastrup, 2005), which can be serious enough to hinder their livelihood. There is also the issue with communication, culturally insensitive primary care, and less than desirable health professional-patient relationships (Cheng, Drillich, and Schattner, 2015). In addition, they may face discrimination within the host community, which can result to health/social inequalities, having a serious impact on their quality of life and access to opportunities in terms of education, personal development, and work (Strang and Quinn, 2021).

Overall, what is generally agreed is that this group shares unequal distribution of both ill health and the social determinants of health and well-being which includes social isolation, self-efficacy, poverty to mention a few. These wider determinants and ill-health have been found to have reciprocal relationships (Schwartz and Litwin, 2019; Palmer et al., 2019). This is crucial as it might be an indication that the reduction of health inequalities, may not be an issue of only providing more or better health care but also a matter of planning and implementing a community development approach that enables the people to draw on available resources including social capital to thrive (Pawar, 2019; Alraie et al., 2020). The community development approach fosters the pathway towards integration which in turn offer refugees and asylum seekers the opportunities to be empowered to rebuild their lives; but then, the interventions must account for the unique needs and challenges they inherited from their countries as well as difficulties they face on their arrival on new shores (James, 2021).

This study aims to highlight the benefits of the community development approach to refugee integration in the United Kingdom. This is achieved by reviewing relevant research papers, policy documents, and other grey literature. It suggests that the community development approach may be a way forward in fulfilling the legal obligations of states to protect those facing grievous threats to their life or freedom in their countries (UNHCR, 2022). It draws on the Conservation of Resources Theory COR by Hobfoll (1989) which offers a comprehensive framework for understanding the nature of psychological stress and its probable consequences by focusing on the resources of both individuals and communities. The discussion then moves to themes and issues associated with refugee resettlement and integration which include refugee resettlement policy, discrimination, othering, and racism within the context of identity and recent research that have implications for not just the integration and resettlement of refugees, but also for practice. Commencing on approaches to refugee integration it reviews the current UK resettlement schemes that have been implemented, highlighting the contentious and complex nature of refugee resettlement. Finally, the paper argues that, although the community development approach is aimed to bring about community development and healthy resource exchange, it must account for the potential tension that may result between the host community and the refugees as well as the impact of this on the duties of health and social care professionals. The need to clearly solicit for the support of host communities is also highlighted. It concludes by suggesting that a move away from an approach focused on the provision of formal support and services only, but towards one which considers and understands both the needs and capabilities/resources of refugees may be a way forward in the successful integration of refugees in the United Kingdom.

 1.1 Some definitions

Before proceeding to subsequent sections/chapters, it is imperative that the terms that are central to this dissertation are defined:

1.1.0 Refugee: “someone who is unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion” (UNHCR, 1951, p. 3). This covers immigrants (asylum seekers) who are in any stage of the asylum process (Burnett and Peel, 2001).

 1.1.1 Integration: a multidimensional process whereby the identity of newcomers and the host community are renegotiated through active engagement with diversity and the cultivation of a sense of belonging by all stakeholders (Phillimore, 2012).

1.1.2 Community Development: the process and action that identifies assets that have the potential to help people not only to realise their personal interests, but also, to develop the leadership to mobilise community members, whilst building the capacity to address future needs (Green and Haines, 2015).

1.1.3 Community Development Approach: an approach to refugee integration that seeks to empower refugees to rebuild their lives through partnerships between the refugees, the receiving community, and all stakeholders (UNHCR, 2001)

Chapter Two

2.0 Refugees as a Consequence of War/Conflict

All through history, the topic of war has been a significant cause for concern in all spheres of life globally. Several repercussions of all wars fought, including the two world wars, the holocaust, nuclear, chemical, and biological wars, as well as political, tribal unrest within different countries, have been written about abundantly in literature. One of which is the forced displacement of people who flee for refuge to other countries. Currently, the news is populated with the war between Ukraine and Russia, following Russia’s premeditated plan to invade Ukraine. This has been explained to be an escalation of the 2014 Russo-Ukrainian conflict, and the largest military invasion in the continent of Europe since the Second World War (Herb et al., 2022; Karmanau et al., 2022; Tsvetkova et al., 2022). According to estimates from the UNHCR (2022), the attack on Ukraine by Russia has led to the humanitarian and refugee crisis of great proportion within Europe. It has been estimated that over 2 and half-million refugees have fled Ukraine in less than a month, with many more, in movement inside and outside of the countries. This magnitude of forced displacement has been compared to the Yugoslav Wars from 1999 to 2001 (British Future, 2022; The Soufan Center, 2022), and is estimated to be the fastest growth of refugees since the Second World War (Peter, 2022). Most of the refugees are women, children, people with disabilities, and the elderly (Michaels, 2022; Patrick, 2022; ABC News, 2022), painting the picture of the diverse need of the refugees.

 Whilst it is important to discuss and understand the theories that explain the causes of wars and conflicts, as well as how to prevent them, a more urgent focus is to understand the far-reaching impact of war and the best approaches to respond to refugees, who constitute one of the major consequences of war. To illustrate, the refugees from Ukraine need safety, protection, and help as do all refugees from other war-torn nations. In light of the urgent humanitarian needs of refugees, there are and have been inter-agency responses being carried out in regions to support the efforts of host countries to support refugees (UNHCR, 2022). The UK has shown support for Ukraine through open condemnation of Russia’s inhumane act of invasion, joining in on sanctions, and providing intelligence in order to help Ukraine favourably fight the war with Russia (Home Office, 2022). But there have been concerns regarding the response of the UK government to the refugees from Ukraine seeking safety and protection in the country. A key theme being discussed in the media is the hostile and limiting policies that demand refugees to be sponsored by a family member in the UK, which invariably means that those who do not have relations in the UK are denied access/entrance. For instance, in his article on the reality of the hostile environment Britain has created for refugees from Ukraine, Simon Jenkins highlighted the ridiculous impact of the policies that restrict refugees from entering the UK soil shown by the statistics that paint a picture of only 50 people being granted entrance of the 5,535 refugees who completed their application online (the figure as of 7 March) (Jenkins, 2022). Compared to other European countries who have opened their borders to the over 2.5 million fleeing Ukrainian refugees, there is no hiding from the fact that the UK has avoided keeping with the agreement signed at the UN convention on refugees in 1951 warranted by the grave consequences of the world wars.

 

Drawing from literature (e.g., Rabben 2011; Shaw 2015), the UK took the position of humanitarian refuge and sanctuary, especially in relation to their role regarding their persuasive advocacy and policy provision with regards to better treatment of people experiencing conflict and war. However, some studies suggest that the UK have not effectively lived up to their claim of being a haven for people facing persecution or fleeing from war-torn countries. In their article: Review of Humanitarian Refuge in the United Kingdom: Sanctuary, Asylum, and the Refugee Crisis, Ibrahim and Howarth (2018) contended that the UK whilst projecting a humanitarian tradition, have only romanticized the idea which in reality the protection and hospitality of refugees have been relegated to other often poorer countries, as suggested in older studies by Gibney (2004); and  McAdam (2008), or contracted to other parties such as Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). This contradictory reality they explained, was instigated by the focus on financial cost and the potential depletion of its welfare system which explains why the UK’s humanitarian response involves stringent regulations, that ensure externalization of the control of borders as well as application processes.

2.1 Complexities with Refugee Resettlement

For the refugees who are granted entrance into the UK the need to help them effectively rebuild their lives is highlighted by the complexities associated with the resettlement of refugees. Literature highlights 3 main factors involved in the experience of refugees: pre-flight, flight, and resettlement factors (Siriwardhana et al., 2014; Hawkes, 2021). However, in recent times, studies have refocused on the resettlement factors, which informs practice on the approach to preventive interventions (e.g., Hodes and Vostanis, 2019; Smith et al., 2020). Additionally, having arrived in the new country for safety, refugees are faced with new challenges in terms of traversing language barriers, and a different culture, whilst simultaneously dealing with the loss of their country that was once home, culture, family, and friends (Pangas et al., 2019). In general, it can be said that during the early stages of resettlement, refugees experience a heightened level of mental health symptoms with a curvilinear pattern that wanes with time (Codell, 2014). Nevertheless, as research shows, some individuals who have been traumatised to a greater extent tend to develop mental health issues for a significant period post resettlement (Giacco, Laxhman, and Priebe, 2018).

Furthermore, it has been shown that refugees demonstrate the worst outcomes associated with resettlement which are connected to experiences following migration. Some of these experiences include financial challenges and unemployment (Aiyar et al., 2016), social isolation (Almohamed and Vyas, 2016), discrimination (Langdon, 2018), and changes in their social roles (Asaf, 2017). Studies show that refugees who were from higher socio-economic backgrounds or were educated before the forced migration who experience a significant decrease in their socio-economic status after migrating showed worse outcomes (Bogic et al., 2015). These outcomes can be explained by the impact forced migration has on the five core adaptive systems—attachment, identity-role, safety, justice, and existential meaning (Silove,1999).

2.2 The Receiving community

The receiving community is crucial to the successful integration of refugees. This is because regardless of the best intentions and plans for the refugees, without a community to receive them, there will be no resettlement or integration. However, considering the various issues and difficulties refugees have faced and are still facing, it is easy to neglect the receiving community in terms of the impact the arrival of refugees would have on all aspects of their lives. Whilst this issue is considered to be understudied (Fajth et al., 2019), some of the existing studies (e.g., Whitaker, 2002; Maystadt and Verwimp, 2014; Ruiz and Vargas-Silva, 2015; Kreibaum, 2016; Hoseini and Dideh, 2022) have focused on the environmental and economic impact of the influx of displaced people on host communities.

With the acute awareness of scare resources, and the evident need of refugees who are presumed to have little to no resources (Crawley et al., 2016; Li, Liddell, and Nickerson, 2016; Hynie, 2018) it can be understood why there might be concerns on the part of community members. Literature shows that in some urban areas, the cost of living such as rent is inflated, as accommodations become hard to get, and wages are deflated (especially in the informal/unregulated sector) when demand for jobs increases disproportionately. This has an even more severe impact in poor countries where refugees are resettling in impoverished areas, which exposes host communities to serious economic vulnerabilities. In extreme cases, there has been open violence between the two communities, as in the case of Jordanian host communities and Syrian refugees (Corps, 2012). Also, policy research by the World Bank found that the impact of host community-refugee tension can have an intergenerational impact with evidence on children’s health (Wang Sonne and Verme, 2019).

Nevertheless, in developed countries such as the UK, sponsor families and groups, particularly in the community sponsorship context, welcome refugees, share the already scarce resources with them, protect and support them (Home Office, 2021). But this is not often the case or response from some other members of the receiving community. So, typically, whilst some members of the communities can perceive the potential benefits of the arrival of refugees, such as the availability of diverse manpower and skills for trade opportunities, others might identify them as threats and opportunists and responsible for any depletion of community resources, whether alleged or real (Himmel and Baptista, 2020). This suggests the inevitable tension that arises between the refugees and the receiving community which should be accounted for from the very onset of planning for the resettlement of refugees. An approach that has been suggested over a decade ago by the UNHCR (2008) to mitigate this tension is by initiating and maintaining dialogues with the receiving communities, acknowledging their needs and challenges, and working with them to address and provide support where possible. Scholars like Geekiyanage et al. (2021) have argued that ignoring the needs of host communities during the assessments and planning of resettlement can be instrumental to their unwillingness to welcome displaced persons. Although the study was in the context of internally displaced parties (IDPs), it highlights the importance of accounting for the needs of the host community as early as possible during the settlement planning by policymakers.  

 2.3 Understanding Discrimination, Racism, and Othering within the concept of identity and the impact on refugee integration

The concept of identity has been featured in various disciplines such as sociology, psychology, social psychology, philosophy, and social anthropology with implications on the functionality of personhood and collective existence. It can be explained to mean the characteristics of a person or group that defines them or distinguishes them from others (Kivisto, 2020). One of the earliest theorists of identity within the field of psychology is Erik Erikson. Erickson’s theory of psychosocial development expounds on the idea that identity emanates from ‘the self’—an individual’s sense of preservation (Erikson, 1968). He suggests that the attainment of the ego identity is a continuous process that spans across a person’s life span. It is also highlighted that there may be an identified conflict between a person’s view of self and social expectations. Overall, Erickson highlights the importance of societal and personhood in the development of identity by suggesting that the development of grounded ego identity and appropriate integration into a society that is stable, enhances a stronger sense of identity. Conversely, where there is a conflict between these factors, the likelihood of confusion, and identity crisis is increased (Sumner, Burrow, and Hill, 2015).

From the sociological perspective, it has been found that some people attain their sense of identity from the groups they belong to or are associated with. This facilitates the sense of belonging and community for such individuals. Accordingly, research into identity has also looked into why people discriminate, which is a function of favouring those perceived to be part of the ‘in-group’ over those considered as Others. Scholars have offered explanations for such concerns. For instance, one explanation relating to the social identity theory is that the awareness of power differentials or perceived distinction between the in and out groups can effectively impact how people evaluate and label others (Côté and Levine, 2014). To further illustrate, within the context of the integration of refugees, if there are preconceived negative notions about who refugees are and what they represent (e.g., threat), the receiving community may be compelled to categorise themselves and the refugees and asylum seekers into the in-group and out-group or others respectively (Högberg et al., 2016; Hynie, 2018). This strips off the identities of refugees and asylum seekers so that regardless of who they are and their uniqueness, gender, or (the identity they have constructed for themselves prior to seeking refuge), they now are seen and treated as ‘others’. This notion assumes that the refugees possess characteristics that make them ‘Others’, different from the community in which they have come for refugee, and serves to create a paradox, where the otherness qualifies them to receive support and, in some instances, criminalises them. It has also been suggested that neo-colonial ideologies may be an underlying factor on the part of the receiving society perpetuating the concept of otherness (Said,1979; Bakić-Hayden and Hayden, 1992; Mountz, 2009). This means that any refugee from the countries regarded as ‘other’ are most likely to be discriminated against, with little empathy, since they are the outside group with less desirable qualities. Another resultant effect could be that given their otherness, the refugees are expected to put in more effort to compensate for their inadequacies. Additionally, where the mainstream or in group perceives refugees or migrants in general as a threat, an expected result is the further widening of the gap between the in and out-groups (Hogg, 2016; Roggeband and van der Haar, 2018; Uenal et al., 2021). Fear arising from the spreading of racist rhetoric by the government against migrants who are supposedly after their privilege also contributes to the division between the groups (Béland, 2020; Kunst and Obaidi, 2020; Lees, 2018). Thus, one can conclude that whilst there are efforts and schemes to help integrate refugees, factors such as otherness (as a function of identity crisis) which perpetuates discrimination and racism, make it terribly difficult. Also, it makes sense to consider that these anti-integration factors might have been induced and sustained by the existing policies and overall changes in the social and political landscape. 

For the asylum seeker and refugees, coming from a situation where their personal, social identities and roles have disintegrated, the different labels assigned to them can create a dichotomy between what they want to be and seen as (the ideal self) and how others, the in-group see them (the limited self), resulting to identity crisis. Such divide and identity crisis can be expected to limit their ability to integrate into the host community. To further complicate the situation, where such categorisation or discrimination occurs in the minds of those helping refugees, the implication becomes the homogenising of approaches so that the created otherness from the majority group is solidified. While it cannot be concluded that the compulsion to see people different from themselves is to retain power and control, whereby the helped remain dependant, it is the case in some instances (Abad-Merino et al., 2013). Whatever the motivation, there is the resultant effect of discriminatory behaviours manifested in the rate of unemployment, housing (Drydakis, 2013, 2017; Chwialkowska, 2020), and health inequalities (Viruell-Fuentes, 2007), with culminating impact on the sustainability of community development and less than ideal integration of refugees.

Further, with the idea of refugees and those seeking asylum implied to be opportunists attracted by the welfare system broadcasted through the media, it is easy to see how this could have a detrimental effect on the refugees who are privileged to be taken in as refugees by the state such as the Syrian refugees taken from the UN camps (Ibrahim and Howarth 2017). This no doubt suggests the racialisation and criminalisation of asylum seekers, especially, when they have landed in another country first before seeking to enter Britain. Consequently, such description, label, and identity are given to refugees ensure that they are seen as not deserving of both the taxpayer’s money and sympathy. The new identity given to refugees also serves the discrimination and the distinction applied to who deserves help or protection, whilst allowing for the contracted humanitarianism and the non-proximate approach adopted by the UK to keep away or reduce the number of people entering through its borders. 

What follows next is a brief discussion of the UK's response to the need for resettlement and integration of refugees using policy to inform resettlement strategies.

 

 2.4 The UK Refugee Resettlement Policy

The UK’s official response to the humanitarian crisis globally is aimed at helping those who have been found to be most vulnerable and in need of protection as refugees rebuild their lives. Matters regarding policies, laws pertaining to immigration in the United Kingdom are overseen by UK Home Office. The policy for migrants who have fled their country due to war, conflict, or persecution, seeking refuge and resettlement in the UK, may seek asylum, which makes provision for an “indefinite leave to remain” (Immigration and Asylum Act. 1999). This application for asylum is required to be done once they arrive at the UK border. On average, the process endures for 6-months, in addition to rigorous interviews and investigations carried out by immigration officers (Home Office, n.d.) which considering the situation of the asylum seekers, has been described as not only complex but also slow. The individuals who are granted access into the country now assume the status of refugees, qualify for the UK refugee protection rights (1967), based on Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNHCR, 1951). The refugees are then allowed to access The Gateway Protection Programme run by the Home Office; however, the programme can only cater to 750 refugees per annum (Bianchini, 2018).

Apart from those who arrive at the border and apply for asylum, other refugees are accepted into the UK as referrals from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), who work closely with the home office to identify refugees in legitimate refugee camps, and host communities who would be most impacted by being settled in the UK. As can be expected, the UK government reserves the right to decide all resettlements (Home Office, 2021). Before any refugee considered vulnerable is referred to the UK for resettlement, the UNHCR assesses, identifies, and processes their identity and the composition family, determine the experiences and present situation in the host country, and those who show the potential for resettlement needs considering their vulnerability (UNHCR, 2011). They also, carry out a complete Refugee Status Determination (RSD), in addition to carrying out interviews that assess that the selected refugees are legible for resettlement, following the UNHCR’s resettlement handbook prior to referral for the consideration of the UK (UNHCR, 2011). It is worth mentioning that the UNHCR also assess the readiness of the resettlement country such as the UK to ensure that the appropriate resettlement programmes are in place to ensure sustainability in the long run: firstly, policy and legislation instruments which address the need for legal status and allocation rights of refugees; secondly, the involvement and consultation of stakeholders; and thirdly, a viable integration programme that provide the needed support, enable and ensure access to crucial service must be in place (UNHCR, 2013).

 2.5 Refugee Resettlement Schemes

As of 2021, the approach to resettling refugees in the UK involves the operational 3 resettlement schemes: The UK Resettlement Scheme (UKRS), Community Sponsorship Scheme, and Mandate Resettlement Scheme (Home Office, 2021). All schemes are accessible to only those verified as refugees by UNHCR and identified as in need of resettlement. Those being resettled through the UKRS, the local authorities have the responsibility for receiving and supporting the refugees. Those resettled through the Community Sponsorship Scheme are managed by local community groups and families, which enables community involvement in the support of refugees. Whilst the Mandate Resettlement Scheme refugees who have close (spouse, minor child, parent, or grandparent who are above 65 years old) family members who have settled in the UK or are en route to a settlement with limited leave to remain (Home Office, 2021). But at the beginning of 2022, the government officially introduced the Afghan Citizens Resettlement Scheme (ACRS), dedicated to people who have supported the efforts of the UK government in Afghanistan on issues pertaining to rights to freedom of speech, women’s rights, rule of law and democracy. It also benefits those who are vulnerable including those identified as LGBT+, those of religious and minority groups, as well as women and girls (UK Visas and Immigration and Home Office, 2022).  As with the other schemes, the UK government works with the UNHCR to identify those eligible for resettlement within the ACRS.

Having been resettled in terms of having the legal status, the refugees then have the right to work and access to welfare benefits, depending on whether they meet the eligibility criteria for the appropriate Department for Work and Pensions regarding particular benefit they are applying for (Home Office, 2022). They also receive initial welcome arrangements, orientation, and casework support as well as English Language provision by the local authority for those resettled through the UKRS (Home Office, 2021). Further provisions involve the assigning of a caseworker to individuals or families resettled. Close contact is established and maintained between the caseworker and the resettled family or individuals for a year to provide needed support for their integration and general wellbeing. For instance, the caseworker will assist the resettled persons accessing services such as healthcare, booking and attending Jobcentre Plus appointments, help with employment, registering with English for speakers of other languages (ESOL) classes or schools supported by the Department of Education (DfE) (DfES 2003), give advice and refer individuals to relevant mental health services, and other specialist services designed for people who have experienced trauma (Home Office, 2021). All of these are achieved through funds from the central government, in response to the vulnerabilities identified by UNHCR during the process of referral.

On the other hand, refugees resettled through the Community Sponsorship receive housing for 2 years from the sponsorship group. With this arrangement, refugees sign a tenancy agreement requiring them to pay rent. All integration support is provided by the community group for a year, which starts from welcoming them from the airport and all support provided for the refugees arriving through the UKRS. In the case where a breakdown of the Community Sponsorship takes place, the local authority resumes the support provided for the refugees (Home Office, 2021). In essence, the integration of this approach provides the necessary support to enable refugees resettled to rebuild their lives and become self-sufficient.

Considering the resettlement schemes, it is evident that the government sponsorship approach tends to focus on the structural integration (provision of housing, language classes, mental health services) to the detriment of the cultural and social ones. Admittedly, evidence suggests that the provisions and services such as language classes, and mental health services are key to the integration of refugees (Giacco and Priebe, 2018; Ellis et al., 2019; Morrice et al., 2021), but from the policy perspective, the approach to resettlement is prescriptive. This suggests an assumption that all refugees lack the necessary skills or qualifications that can be nurtured and transferred to the UK system. Furthermore, the emphasis on formal education that is nationally acknowledged qualifications as a means to facilitate employment and social inclusion fails to consider the invaluable contributions of informal education that fosters cultural capital as well as community development (Hann et al., 2021).

2.6 Understanding Integration 

The entrance of refugees into a country with different societies, cultures, and languages because of conflicts to rebuild their lives presents several challenges that span across all aspects of their lives (Bevelander, 2020). For the refugees, resettlement is a life-changing experience; and as such the approach adopted to achieve this can either ease the refugees’ difficult journey or exacerbate it (Phillimore, 2021). On the other hand, the host community/country is saddled with the task of resettling the refugees, which can be both daunting and disruptive (Gibney, 2018).

At the core of resettlement is integration. It can be argued that, without the achievement of integration, policy goals and the whole essence of refugee resettlement schemes cannot be effectively achieved (Alraie et al., 2020). However, the concept of integration has been widely debated in the literature. Several scholars have endeavoured to define integration, with no clear consensus. Traditionally, the UK Government’s approach to integration suggested an idea whereby migrants are made to be as like the dominant culture as possible (Threadgold and Court, 2005; Kostakopoulou, 2010). This submits that integration can at times mean absorption, an indication that probably the different cultures of the migrants are inferior or not of value to the dominant culture which warrants its assimilation. There is also the tendency of the concept of integration to be used in such a way that what is a structural dimension is individualised (Mulvey, 2015). For instance, in the case of high rates of refugee unemployment, the focus is placed on the individual factors that make the refugees unemployable, rather than the structural issues of the labour market that limit their employment options. Such a flawed premise impacts policy and social situations that can either foster or hinder integration.  Still on the employment example, not valuing the assets and skills migrates brought with them, means that their professional qualifications, employment experiences, or other skills they possess are not recognised, rendering them unemployable for the most part until certified otherwise (Guo, Ariss and Brewster, 2020). When the impact of race and immigration status-related discrimination and inequalities are considered, the picture of the underlying cause of inefficient integration emerges.

However, current literature suggests that the concept of integration has evolved. Overall, it can be deduced from the literature that integration encompasses the approach preferred by the newcomers (in this case, refugees and asylum seekers), that allows them to retain their unique identity and culture, whilst actively engaging with the host community (Ager and Strang, 2008; Grzymala-Kazlowska and Phillimore, 2018; Phillimore, Humphris and Khan, 2018). Its success rests on the evidence of enabling policies that account for, accept and support the cultural differences evident with the arrival of newcomers. It also requires the active involvement of legislators, institutions, community members, and newcomers in their engagement with and adaptation to diversity (Ager and Strang, 2008; Phillimore, 2021). This understanding suggests that integration is multifaceted, involving not only the newcomers but also, the receiving community and local institutions or organisations. The facets of integration can be viewed from the perspectives of culture and social structure. The cultural aspect of integration involves the building of social bonds, participation in community activities, the instrument of language, and other culture-related practices (Strang and Quinn, 2021). The structural dimension refers to the availability and accessibility of resources and services such as education, health, employment, and housing (Kohlbacher, 2020).

In addition to the above explanation of integration, the concept of integration adopted for this study is reflective of the indicators of the integration framework by Ager and Strang (2004, 2008). The study commissioned by the Home Office has been repeatedly cited in research into refugee integration both nationally and internationally (e.g., Phillimore, 2011. Refugees; Akcapar and Simsek, 2018; Joyce and Liamputtong, 2017). The essence of the study was to develop a framework for the understanding and evaluation of integration. This was needed because prior to this, there was no clear framework for ascertaining the success or failure of integration approaches or strategies, with varying understanding of the concept. The framework consists of four categories under which 10 domains of integration are organised. First is the ‘marker and means’ which describes employment, housing, and education domains as both indicators of the valued achievements of refugees given their participation within the receiving community and the means to which these achievements or ends are met, as they facilitate the achievement of other elements needed for integration (Ager and Strang, 2008). Second is the social connection that draws on the constructs of social bridges, links, and bonds drawn from Putnam’s social capital constructs, to describe the different relevant social relationships and connections that are forged within and between communities, government, and services and identified as important by refugees (Ager and Strang 2008). Third are the facilitators which include language and cultural knowledge and safety and stability, representative of conditions, knowledge, and skill that enable refugees (and community members) to engage actively whilst feeling safe in the communities (Ager and Strang, 2008). Finally, fourth is 'foundation' which points to the rights and citizenship domain that instructs what a person is entitled to both from the government and the society, reflective of the civic duties and expectations of citizenship (Ager and Strang 2008). 

These indicators of integration have gained ground in various discourses and strategies on refugee integration (Esterhuizen and Murphy 2007; Strang, Baillot and Mignard, 2016), as well as influenced the UK regional and national policy (Home Office 2021). However, it has been critiqued by scholars such as Enns, Kirova, and Connolly, (2013) who argue that a limitation of the framework is that it is not clear which theme or domain is central to a holistic approach to integration. They emphasised that social connections are that domain. Thus, the framework offers the group of resource domains that are needed for integration. According to Putnam’s (2001) social capital theory, with such resources, there can be some exchange of resources taking place through the social relationships and connections built. Similarly, the conservation of resources (COR) theory by Hobfoll (1989) highlights the importance of resources (social, personal, and material). The central tenet of Hobfoll's (1998) COR theory is that people seek to retain and preserve resources they value, and where these valued resources are lost, the ability to cope with daily demands of life become taxed, with implications for psychological, physical health and resilience (Hobfoll, 2011).  Thus, people seek to rebuild or recover that which is lost with the available (remaining) resource and as such any social assistance to this end can help reduce the effect of the loss and foster recovery. In the case of refugees, and asylum seekers, having lost everything, they can be seen to be in a state of desperation to rebuild their valued resources which may include housing, employment, social roles, and self-identity. And because these valued resources are built and preserved within the context of the society/community and environment, social relationships and connections are central to the response to the trauma that made them refugees and asylum seekers (Hobfoll 2014). However, as the theory suggests, whilst community or social aid can help refugees rebuild their valued resources, it is important to recognise that they (the helped) still have some valuable resources that contribute not only to their own recovery but to the receiving society as well. This is important because according to social-capital theory, the mutual exchange of resources demonstrated in the receiving and giving underlies social capital development and maintenance/preservation (Coleman 1988). It is this unique relationship and opportunity of social support and resource exchange that the community development approach to integration seeks to harness.

Chapter Three

3.0 The Case for Community Development Approach to the Integration of Refugees

The UK government has indeed responded and is still responding to the resettlement and integration needs of refugees in the UK (Home Office, 2021). However, there is evidence that there is room for improvement with regard to the approach to integration. For instance, a comparison of government and community sponsorship-led resettlement of refugees in the UK suggests that from the refugees' perspective, government-led schemes do not have the capabilities and flexibilities to address cultural issues and the need for varied interaction opportunities that are crucial to integration (Alraie et al., 2020). This has been explained to be due to the bureaucracy and rigidity of the state institutions or NGOs that the government has outsourced to. Thus, there is no denying the fact that existing approaches to refugee integration provide basic needs—food, shelter, clothing, and some level of empowerment such as English language class (Home Office, 2021). However, all efforts are heavily problem-focused, which is resource-intensive. Also, this approach limits the partnership and engagement of refugees that could be established through capacity building and harnessing of existing skills and potentials to not only facilitate independence but also alleviate costs for the receiving communities.

On the other hand, community sponsorship was found to allow for the flexibility that is needed to account for all domains of integration, especially those that relate to social connections and culture, thereby providing a more holistic approach to integration (Alraie et al., 2020). This suggests that the UK’s approach to refugee resettlement has, through the community sponsorship scheme, moved to account for a community perspective to refugee integration since 2016. Evidence abounds that suggests that most of the limitations evident in the existing approach to refugee integration can be addressed by an approach that allows active participation of both the host communities and the refugees, especially where the refugees are not treated as utterly helpless or less-than but as resourceful and capable of using the protection and assistance offered to rebuild their lives and contribute to community development.

For example, two of the case studies that were presented in the Community Sponsorship guidance document for prospective sponsors (Home Office, 2021) offer some insights into the effectiveness of a community approach to refugee integration. One of the case studies is about a couple from Syria with three children who were resettled in the UK, having gone through various traumas. The case study shows how employing community resources, including trained professionals, and engaging the family members led to the recognition and resolution of deeper mental health issues, despite the stigma associated with it. It was also shown that the whole family grasped enough understanding to not need an interpreter within six months, and with the support of the sponsor group, the older family members (father, mother, and the two older sons) secured employment that supported them to build their capacities in other aspects of their lives. Also, the story reveals that the daughter having gained admission to the local school is doing well and has made friends.

The other case study illustrates how another family (husband, wife, and 2 daughters) also from Syria has integrated into their local community following resettlement in the UK. From the case study it was evident that through the support provided by the sponsoring group, the family members, especially the mother was able to develop relationships with the neighbours, attend her appointments at the job centre, and budget her finances in spite of the benefit caps. With the daughters happy and settling and adjusting well in school, the family keeps working on being self-sufficient and driving towards what is best for them and their needs.

The case studies point to the fact that the community-based approach used in settling these families, ensured that sponsor groups worked closely with the families to help them adjust, enabling them to make adequate use of the opportunities presented to them. However, the case studies also reveal that the integration process is heavily focused on problem-solving as opposed to resource exchange and partnership. Likewise, it is important to acknowledge here that the achievement of one or two domains of integration such as employment or the English language does not necessarily translate to the overall success or sustained integration (Collyer et al., 2018; Coley et al., 2019). Therefore, other domains of integration and aspects of the community development approach need to receive attention from community sponsors to achieve a more sustainable integration, that draws from the strengths and assets of refugees.

Furthermore, the achievement of refugee integration may not be possible if the issues associated with forced migration and the complexities of resettlement are not sufficiently understood. Granted, the procedures involved in the referral of identified refugees by the UNHCR involve some assessment of their needs, especially their mental health needs. But this seems to only focus on the trauma they have experienced due to the war and loss, but not much on the mental issues that arise (or the exacerbation of existing psychological distress (Kone et al., 2019)) due to pre-and post-resettlement conditions (Karamanidou and Folley, 2020; Quinn, 2014; Strang and Quinn, 2021). Some of these conditions have been found at the individual and community levels such as financial needs, cultural acclimatisation, and housing conditions (Priebe and Giacco, 2018); coupled with structural issues such as structural discrimination, racism, identity crisis, violence, and complex, unfavourable asylum procedures/policies (Juárez et al., 2019). In the case where the host environment is contributory to the problem of integration, it makes sense to expect that practical holistic solutions should be provided, as opposed to the emphasis on psychotherapy only (Karamanidou and Folley, 2020).

The community development approach which is drawn from UNHCR’s community development policy (UNHCR, 2001), is suggested in this study as an alternative to the UKRS because it helps to address the refugee integration complexities associated with refugee resettlement (e.g., discrimination, poverty, othering, identity crisis, misunderstandings; Velho and Thomas-Olalde, 2011; Rashid and Cepeda-García, 2021). The community development approach is centred around the enablement of refugees and all stakeholders in a way that allows refugees and other migrants to rebuild their lives (UNHCR, 2001). The approach promotes the fact that refugees should be at the core of all plans regarding their resettlement and integration, and that they possess some resources and capabilities that should be considered and mobilised, rather than relegating them to the role of passive recipients of help. Thus, it is about them being ‘subjects’ of all things concerning them as opposed to ‘objects. Additionally, the community development approach is consistent with the core of the concept of integration: a reciprocal process, which involves some level of resource exchange and participation from all stakeholders and the retainment of the cultural identity of each party (UNHCR, 2013).

With regards to meeting the needs of refugees, the concept of community development approach to integration has not been sufficiently researched into, in the same way, it is outlined in the UNHCR’s community development policy document. However, its guiding principles are reflected in various studies highlighting the benefits of community-based approaches in achieving different dimensions of integration such as physical and mental health, housing, employment, social inclusion, and education/English language (e.g., Kovács et al., 2010; Goodkind et al., 2014; Pejic et al., 2017; Vesely et al., 2017; Symons and Ponzio, 2019; Riza et al., 2020). Key guiding principles of a community-based or community development approach to refugee integration include participation, diversity analysis, empowerment, sustainable solutions, and ownership (UNHCR, 2008).

Through its guiding principles, a community development approach offers numerous benefits to addressing the issues associated with refugee resettlement and integration. First, the participation of refugees, the host community, and all other stakeholders in all stages of the integration planning process will likely foster social cohesion and connection, enhancing the success of integration (Home Office, 2019). This is because, by working in partnership with all concerned, there is a recognition of resilience, skills, capabilities, and resources that can be identified and built upon to proffer solutions and protection for the refugees, as well as address the host community’s own needs or challenges (Cheung and Phillimore, 2016; Collyer et al., 2018). Working in partnership with refugees can shade more light on the similar and different ways violent displacement affects- each individual - girls, boys, women, and men (Asthana, 2012). This can then inform tailored community-based initiatives that can address the degree of distress and protection risks presented by individuals which can vary depending on various factors such as background, gender, age, and extent of exposure (Charsley and Spencer, 2019). For example, culturally, women and girls are more likely to be subject to sexual assault and violence than men or boys, in addition to witnessing killings or separation from their loved ones, socio-economic, and cultural changes, combined with the loss of material/personal possessions, community ties (Freedman, 2016; Holvikivi and Reeves, 2020). They also are not often involved in the decision-making process, which might warrant a different approach to engaging them in activities (Hora, 2014; Ilesanmi, 2018).

Yet as the COR theory suggests, people are resilient, with incredible capabilities to cope and work towards rebuilding their resources even under unbearable circumstances (Hobfoll, 2014). With the right approach and support provided through a community-based approach, these coping mechanisms and capabilities can be identified, understood, and employed to help people rebuild their lives. In working with refugees and communities, community members would be better informed about the fact that forced displacement is what happens to people as opposed to who they are, and that it can happen to anybody regardless of country or background. Similarly, with community programmes aimed at educating community members, the issue of identity which serves as the basis for discrimination, racism, and othering can be tackled (Castle, 2018). The partnership should also involve collaboration with government, non-governmental, national, and international partners to understand the broader impact of policies on the success of refugee integration (Phillimore, 2013). Additionally, applying community-based approaches affords the recognition of cultural dynamics to appreciate the power disparities between the minorities and majority groups; between men and women; disabled and abled; young and old; boys and girls, and foster the working with community members and leaders to protect and ensure that rights and equality are respected (Charsley and Spencer, 2019). This facilitates the analysis of diversity in age, gender, culture, sexual orientation, religion, disability, and other factors which helps reduce exclusion and discrimination, whilst ensuring that the community structure and leadership which provide needed support and protection are not undermined by the community-based initiatives/interventions (Castle, 2018). Concurrently, findings from diversity analysis and the new cultural and community dynamics can be recognised within the context of the community-based approach as opportunities for targeted efforts to empower groups that are discriminated against to know their rights and exercise them (UNHCR, 2008).

A community-based approach can help in the empowerment of refugees which enables them to receive information to analyse their situation and build their capacity to harness available resources, claim their rights, and take informed actions to rebuild their resources and lives (Zimmerman, 2000). This includes the provision of informal and formal opportunities for refugees to learn the English Language (Morrice et al., 2019). This is important because being able to speak English has been found to enhance both social connections, well-being, finding employment, access to services, and other civic activities (Degler and Liebig, 2017; Sobolewska, Galandini, and Lessard-Phillips, 2017; Tip et al., 2019). It also enables them to feel free to re-establish their culture which forms part of their real identity and support system (Im and Swan, 2021; Lau and Rodgers, 2021). Similarly, empowering the community with the right information to see refugees as valuable as opposed to people to do things to or for, will help expand resource exchange and strengthen community assets and structures (Strang and Quinn, 2014).

This can also include the empowerment of community sponsors to be able to recognise the capabilities of both refugees and members of the community to facilitate a more resourceful and constructive connection that is founded on mutual respect, with refugees (Wessendorf and Phillimore, 2019). Thus, empowerment should not be viewed as something to be done to people, but as enabling people to do things for themselves and the community. This will not only help community sponsors to be more efficient at providing supporting solutions (e.g., Almohamed, Vyas and Zhang, 2018; Shneikat and Alrawadieh, 2019) and protection, but also help address the fear of resource depletion or economic vulnerability with the arrival of refugees and asylum seekers entertained by some of the community members (Zetter, 2012).

Furthermore, with the understanding that refugees were once living as legitimate and valuable citizens of their countries before their forced displacement, it follows then that within the refugee communities are reservoirs of various talents, work experiences, and skills, as well as unique cultural, religious and social associations that can be channelled to good use (Hirst et al., 2021).

A natural consequence of applying the principles of participation and empowerment with the community-based approach is that refugees will take full responsibility for the sustenance of the interventions, services, and support that they have been provided with (Okai, 2021). In other words, they take ownership of the solutions, and because they are part of them, and value them, they will endeavour to preserve and maintain them; although they might still need further support and guidance in some respects, due to limited opportunities or resources (UNHCR, 2008).

Although the benefits of the community development approach to refugee integration remain, there are barriers to its implementation. One of such barriers is the lack of funding for some of the community development programme, especially in the socio-cultural realm (Home Office, 2019). Without the finances, even the existing initiatives that do exist may not be sustainable. Another barrier is the fact that community programmes created might become formalised British programmes that do not represent the diverse cultures of refugees. This might happen when programmes created are controlled by national policies, infrastructures, and service provisions. Furthermore, whilst volunteers are valuable human resources, they might be able to adequately implement community-based programmes if they are not trained or monitored.

Interestingly, if innovatively implemented, community-based approaches can overcome these barriers and successfully integrate refugees. This may involve soliciting funds on platforms such as GoFund Me, organising programmes that educate stakeholders on the key principles of the community development approach to integration and training for volunteers (Phillimore, 2012).

 3.1 Implications for Practice and Policy

The insights received from this study indicate significant implications for practice and policy. Given the impact of forced displacement and post-settlement conditions on the ability of refugees to rebuild their lives, it is vital that any receiving community helps create the enabling environment that would foster trust and reinforce the benefits of social connection and reciprocal exchange of resources. Which is most likely to be achieved through the community development approach. Three key priorities are identified for practice and policy: 1. establishing partnership with refugees, the receiving community, and all other stakeholders in order to develop understanding, social cohesion, and connections to provide tailored support and protection; 2. Empowerment, which sets refugees and community members up to be able to make sufficient use of information and available opportunities to engage in resource exchange and community development; 3. Ownership and sustainability of initiative and solutions provided: a natural result of proper implementation of both partnership and empowerment.

Furthermore, treating refugees as helpless or the 'other', who can only receive help (or worse, as undeserving of help), without taking time to harness the wealth of skill, knowledge, and experience that they possess will have several negative impacts on the refugees as well as the host community. In this case, the refugees will become dependent, and more of a burden to the host community and country. This will also impact the ability of refugees to access services, including English language classes, and mental health services. This might also increase discrimination, othering, and identity crisis which might result in individuals isolating, which has implications for social cohesion as people might not be participating in social activities.

Refugee resettlement policy and political landscape have a great impact on how refugees are integrated. Where there is a migration policy that is favourable and flexible, it would help foster a more holistic approach to refugee integration with social capital.  A community development approach, such as the community sponsorship scheme is more likely to enable an environment where the capacity is built, resources exchanged, and understanding is established between refugees and community members.

Evidence suggests that putting refugees at the centre of all support, and what concerns them and addressing the challenges some community members face as early as possible would be an effective way of mitigating the issues associated with resettlement. In practice, this could be achieved through the implementation of the key principles of the community development approach, which is partly reflected by the community sponsorship scheme. Additionally, community sponsors should be supported to identify, harness, and maximize the potential of community members (e.g., volunteers), refugees, and service providers (such as English language class tutors) for establishing meaningful partnerships and social connections.

Whilst it is acknowledged that the community sponsorship scheme reflects some of the principles of the community development approach, this study recommends that there needs to be a shift from the focus on ‘doing for’ or ‘doing to’ to more focus on ‘enabling to do’ with regards to the way support/services are provided to the refugees. Also, it is suggested that achieving success in one domain of integration is not sufficient to ensure a sustainable integration. However, already existing support and achievements can be built upon to enable refugees to draw from their skills and knowledge to not only rebuild their lives but also contribute meaningfully to the development of the community that has welcomed them to safety.

 

 3.2 Conclusion

This study contributes to the field of refugee integration and how the community development approach can be applied in a refugee integration context. It offers some insights into the community or social processes of integration, connecting the issues associated with resettlement to community factors that underpin the integration process.  Using Hobfoll's (1998) COR theory and Putnam’s (2001) social capital theory to understand the situation of refugees, it highlights the fact that refugees are people who have gone through resource-depleting ordeals and experiences that are psychologically draining, lacking shared culture and language skills, security, and stability, and as such need, support to rebuild their lives. Furthermore, it points to the fact that ineffective integration can enable ill-treatment of refugees through discrimination, categorisation (othering), poor access to services and rights, and overall abuse of power. To help address these, it advocates for an approach—the community-based approach that allows for refugees' capabilities and remaining resources to be utilised with the support and social capital provided. 

It is recommended that more research that investigates the effectiveness of a community-based approach to refugee integration would provide more understanding of capacity building and resource exchange between resettling refugees and the receiving community. 

Finally, with the current humanitarian crisis heightened by wars and conflicts such as the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, it is imperative that an approach like the community development approach, which reinforces the self-esteem and dignity of refugees and empowers all stakeholders to work synergistically to enable each community member to thrive in exercising their human rights is promoted. It is intended that this study.

provides valuable insights that can inform practice and refugee resettlement policy in the UK.

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Grace Ogechi Theophilus.

 

 

 

BA (Hons) Health & Social Care